Navigating towards unity
Thoughts on John's
Pre-predictions
Matthew Caygill
John Nicholson is very brave to make even an anti-prediction about these
elections. The crisis in mainstream politics looks like producing a
scenario with three big losers and gains for the margin. It looks like a
lot of those gains will go to varieties of the right, but maybe the left
as well. Respect has been pretty much under the radar of mainstream
commentators, but who knows what surprises there might be.
However it is still worthwhile to start the necessary discussion about
the way forward for the left, so I do want to make some comments on
John's piece.
Firstly John is absolutely right to start with the anti-war movement. We
should continue to defend and support the Stop the War Coalition and the
major components of its politics, especially the idea of building as
broad movement as possible and most especially the opening up to Muslim
political groupings. STW has been one of the most important, impressive
and inspirational achievements of the left in this country. The decision
to keep the movement going despite the quick ˜victory" but US and UK
forces was absolutely correct. We have to keep on echoing Tariq Ali's
editorial on the ANL back in 1978 and say 'hats off to the SWP' for
their crucial role in this. This is the essential and irrefutable answer
to those who say that the SWP is a sectarian irrelevance and a united
left can built without them or by ignoring them.
At the same time genuine discussion about the strategy and tactics of
the antiwar movement (note the broadening out here, the movement has
been even broader than STW) has been a bit lacking. Debate has been
caught between the triumphalism of George Galloway and the SWP ('we
almost stopped the war'), reminding me of Tony Cliff's story about the
fly on the plough-horse's head getting to the end of the furrow and
saying 'we did that', and on the other side, the bizarre sectarian
negativism exemplified by the AWL.
Parts of the great movement against the Vietnam War in the 1960s could
have been criticised for having too much focus on the next big demo, but
this was the approach of the SWP and STW in 2002-3. Of course the demos
were important and magnificent, but others things needed to be done and
a lot of people in the movement were (and still are) pissed off at what
was seen as an unduly negative attitude, with all sorts of allegations
about 'elitism' and even attempts to undermine direct action. We also
need to be clearer about how close to stopping British participation, or
even stopping the war outright we were. Quoting what Tony Blair told his
children is no longer enough.
The issue about the relationship between STW and the Socialist Alliance
is complicated by a number of factors/ There would have been problems
with components of the SA, the structure of which gave them much more
voice than actual numbers on ground would allow. To name names: Martin
Thomas of the AWL basically saying he wanted to be on the STW executive
to criticize it for being generally wrong, leading up to his appearance
on 'Newsnight' just before Feb 15th to denounce STW!
Of course STW overtook the SA and marginalised it, the pressure for this
to happen would in all cases have been huge, but I would focus on the
SWP concept of the SA as a "united front of a special kind" for
electoral purposes was really at the heart of problem, because that
excluded the SA as body that might form coalitions with others for joint
purpose. Instead the SWP was put forward as the body that could do that.
The idea of attempting to build a wider political coalition or movement
from the anti-war movement was and is still a very good idea. There have
been problems. I never think hype helps and the SWP finds it hard to
prioritise anything without hyping it, but perhaps I'm wrong. We
increasingly say 'there are two million people on the street' as though
it is in the present tense. Certainly the anti-Bush demo in November was
a huge and maybe surprising boost, but the March demo with its up to
100,000 people reflects more accurately the real numbers willing to come
on the streets in 2004 (still good by comparison to demonstrations
before 2001, of course, but also look at the relatively small
anti-occupation demo in May (8000 people is the largest estimate and yes
I know many activists were busy with RESPECT or UNITE and it was short
notice, but the difference in scale is still important and revealing).
I don't think the RESPECT answer was the wrong one - it is certainly
better than the "Peace and Justice" initiative looked like being last
summer. There were always going to be problems (on both sides about)
working with Greens. We should be very impressed about the links RESPECT
has built up with sections of the Muslim community, despite any
limitations. In Yorkshire and Humberside Anas Altikriti is very
impressive, committed to both anti-imperialism and a language of social
justice. The crude attempts to paint him and the MAB as representing a
simple reactionary politics should be rejected. We should defend this
alliance on the basic united front grounds that it helps isolate and
maybe even undermine extreme Islamism and is in any case the start of a
process of building links with communities that are among the worst
victims of racism.
The results are imminent. There are those who will look ay any result
and see it as brilliant, and those who are committed in advance to the
idea that it is all a criminal, moral and political disaster. Either
view is unlikely to be convincing, the main thing must be to navigate
our way towards a united left capable of making an even better
intervention in the General Elections that are making their certain way
towards us.
June 2004