
Where now for anti-fascists?
Andy Newman
How bad was the result?
On 4th May 2006 far right parties (excluding UKIP) secured 248353 votes across
388 wards across England, within which the British National Party (BNP)
received 238727 votes in 364 wards. The BNP gained 32 new councillors, taking
their total to 48 across the country, and in the London Borough of Barking and
Dagenham, they won 11 seats to become the largest opposition group. In
Blackburn the equally unpleasant “England First” won two seats.
It is hard to compare votes in local elections to general elections, as there
is considerable evidence that voting patterns are different, nevertheless the
BNP will consider this year’s election to be progress over last year’s general
election, where they put up 119 parliamentary candidates and took 192746
votes, and should be compared to the best ever election result of the National
Front in 1979, where the NF fielded 303 parliamentary candidates who got
191719 votes.
Clearly this huge vote for an openly racist party is of great concern, but we
do need a measured consideration of what it represents. How close are the BNP
to breaking into the political mainstream?
Searchlight are correct to point out that the BNP failed to consolidate the
ground it had made in earlier years in Bradford, where it lost in two wards it
won in 2004; and in Calderdale where it lost a seat. This is not just putting
a positive spin on bad news. As Billy Bragg has pointed out: “"if you want to
really annoy the local Labour council and get them to sort shit out then the
nuclear button to press would be to vote in a BNP council". However the BNP
cannot deliver any solutions for the problems that generate their protest
vote, which limits their possibilities for sustaining a base. In Burnley the
presence of a block of BNP councillors paralysed the council and prevented an
administration being formed in 2005, so the council was instead run by
unelected officers.
What is more, the BNP failed to put up any candidates at all in major towns
and cities like Bristol, Oxford, Reading, Portsmouth and Plymouth. This can
only have been because they couldn’t find anyone prepared to stand.
But most importantly, we need to consider the degree to which the BNP’s
electoral performance succeeds or fails in reinforcing the conditions for its
own future advance. Although viewed from the perspective of minor parties the
BNP’s performance is significant, when viewed from the perspective of the
parties contending for government, or with ambition to win councils, the BNP
vote is still marginal. Michael Howard’s use of the race card for the
Conservatives in the 2005 general election is anecdotally credited with
helping to bring out the Labour vote in many key marginal seats. There seems
little prospect of David Cameron allowing the Tories to be dragged to the
right to compete for the racist vote.
The press interest in the BNP is at least partially created by the convergence
of the main parties, so that the BNP were the only sexy story in a dull
election campaign. However the extremely low calibre of the BNP’s councillors
and candidates means they will struggle to perpetuate that interest. Even a
slightly more talented individual, like Cllr Richard Barnbrook, leader of the
BNP group in Barking and Dagenham, is a one trick pony who can only talk about
race and asylum.
Who votes BNP?
Two excellent studies have been
published, based upon the detailed research of Professors Helen Margetts,
Stuart Weir and Peter John. Every serious anti-racist should read them in
their entirety, and links are given at the end of this article.
From the point of view of activist opponents of the BNP, the important points
are:
There is a significant sub-section of the population, between 18% and 25%, who would consider voting for the BNP, and includes a solid and substantial group who share the BNP’s views on asylum and immigration.
The proportion of people who might vote for the BNP is highest in London, and lowest in Scotland, Wales and the South West.
Trade Unionists are the section of the population most resistant to the BNP.
Support for the BNP is most likely to be high in localities with higher proportions of residents in social classes C2, D and E (but especially C2); higher proportions of residents with no qualifications and lower proportions of residents in the younger age groups (up to 29).
There is considerable and deep antipathy to the BNP by the majority of people.
Most BNP voters do not have
direct contact with non-white people, but gain their views in the media and
from direct campaigns from the BNP supporters themselves.
How solid is the BNP vote?
I spent the last few weeks campaigning in a ward being contested by the BNP,
and most of election day talking to people going into the polling stations.
Although this evidence is anecdotal I was struck by the following:
The actual vote achieved by the BNP (319 votes, 16%) was much higher than the
indication given by talking to people – very few admitted to intending to vote
BNP, or having voted for them.
Even among those who said they
were voting BNP, many stressed that they were not against immigrants, but were
against what they perceived as special treatment for immigrants by government.
Some older voters made a clear differentiation between the National Front
(bad) and the BNP (good)
Even among those who were very opposed to the BNP, there was agreement that
the government gave too much help to immigrants and asylum seekers.
The BNP standing meant that many people who do not normally vote did so. Including a big increase in the Labour vote (while the Lib Dem and Tory votes were unchanged), and there was a swing from the Socialist Alliance candidate in the same ward to Labour. (Partly because the far left candidate spooked Labour out of complacency over the BNP threat, and Labour campaigned hard)
Most voters happily chatted
with the Socialist Alliance activists outside the polling stations, but
absolutely no one talked to the BNP goons standing there. This must have also
included many BNP voters.
Polling evidence from the London Elections Study quoted by the Joseph Rountree
report shows that 71% of BNP voters would consider voting UKIP, and 21% of BNP
voters would consider voting Tory. Examination of the distribution of votes in
Barking and Dagenham suggests that many voters must have given two votes to
the BNP and one to Labour, or two to Labour and one to the BNP.
The Democratic Audit report highlights that:
Focus group evidence suggests that those who had vote for the BNP had tried
different alternatives, such as switching between the parties, or trying the
Liberal Democrats. A vote for the BNP was often seen as a wake-up call, or
‘kick up the backside’ for the major parties, which was safe as the party
could only win a few seats.
The BNP gains its electoral support from all three of the largest parties, and not just Labour; and in fact that it gains most from the Conservatives and least from Labour.
Many BNP voters are embarrassed about the party’s stance on some issues.
All of this suggests that
although the BNP have built a significant electoral base, it is unstable, and
could rapidly disappear. It is an expression of a racist protest vote, with
only a slight specific allegiance to the BNP itself.
Where is the BNP going?
It is important to understand
that the BNP are an openly racist not an openly fascist organisation. The
interplay between its fascist and populist elements is a source of weakness
for it.
The shared aim of its membership is to reverse the trend of Britain to become
a multi-cultural society, with the aspiration of becoming an all white
country. Certainly the leadership of the BNP exhibits continuity in personnel
and ideology from Oswald Mosley’s, Colin Jordan’s and John Tyndall’s
organisations. Both Griffin and Lecomber have links to political violence and
open fascism in the past.
The programme of the BNP could only be achieved by a huge level of repressive
state violence. What is more, the BNP could only gain state power by first
removing the obstacles that stand in its way – which would mean physically
confronting the trade unions, and BME communities. So the objective direction
that the BNP follow is fascist, irrespective of the ideological make up of its
membership.
But knowing that the BNP is decades away from forming a government, Griffin is
hoping to play the long game. It must seem very galling that a post-fascist
like Gianfranco Fini can be deputy Prime Minister in Italy, while Cambridge
educated Griffin is talking to 20 numbskulls in a pub skittle-alley in
Keighley.
In the medium term if the BNP could win a swathe of councillors across the
country, it might be able to shift the political agenda so that race and
immigration are part of mainstream debate. If it could distance itself from
its fascist past it might be able to join coalition administrations in
councils, it might get MEPs, and members of the London Assembly elected. With
this higher profile it might become a permanent part of the political
landscape, a much better foundation for launching a future openly fascist
party.
But there are a number of problems for Griffin and the BNP with this scenario.
Not least of which is the activity of anti-fascists in continually exposing
the fascist connections of the BNP.
What is more, any sustained organisation requires a cadre of activists that
are motivated by an ideology. The current leadership and cadre of the BNP come
from fascist backgrounds, and have the criminal records to prove it. This
creates a complex difficulty for Griffin. To turn out the existing cadre to
work in elections requires sufficient concessions to them that the BNP is not
just a racist, but an active race-hate organisation, which is an obstacle to
gaining greater respectability. What is more, the party is unable to have a
truly candid debate about the need for a shift without revealing the Nazi
ideology of many of its supporters, and even exposing them to prosecutions for
incitement to racial hatred.
The fascist core of BNP supporters are correct to fear the possibility that
the BNP could become what it is pretending to be. If Griffin could get elected
to the European parliament he would be mainly interested in sustaining his own
electoral career.
Triangulation and Political Correctness
The most significant
contribution to the debate about the BNP has come from an unlikely quarter.
Former Blairite loyalist, Jon Cruddas MP, writes a brilliant epilogue to the
Joseph Rowntree report. In this he argues:
“The originality of New Labour lies in the method by which policy is not
deductively produced from a series of core economic or philosophical
assumptions or even a body of ideas, but rather, is scientifically constructed
out of the preferences and prejudices of the swing voter in the swing seat. It
is a brilliant political movement whose primary objective is to reproduce
itself – to achieve this it must dominate the politics of Middle England. The
government is not a coalition of traditions and interests who initiate policy
and debate; rather it is a power elite whose modus operandi is the retention
of power.”
“ … At root the gearing of the electoral system empties out opportunities for
a radical policy agenda. On the one hand, policy is constructed on the basis
of scientific analysis of the preferences of key voters; on the other,
difficult issues and the prejudices of the swing voter are neutralised. Labour
have become efficient at winning elections and being in government yet within
a calibrated politics where tenure is inversely proportionate to change. As a
politician for what is regarded as a safe working class seat the implications
of this political calibration are immense. The system acts at the expense of
communities like these – arguably those most in need. The science of key seat
organisation and policy formation acts as a barrier to a radical emancipatory
programme of economic and social change.”
In other words, Labour’s policy objectives are set by the desire to win
elections, not from the objective tasks of government. The real concerns of
working class voters in areas like Barking and Dagenham are not even
acknowledged, and certainly no solutions are offered. As Cruddas explains:
“The national policy agenda is calibrated for a different type of community
which actively compounds our problems locally. For example, social housing is
not a priority for swing voters in Middle England but is the burning issue
locally.”
It is this ignoring of real social problems by New Labour that allows the BNP
(and to a lesser extent UKIP) to talk about “political correctness” – the idea
that a metropolitan elite, distant from the real issues of working people, is
setting their own agenda. This is an important point to acknowledge, because
opponents of the BNP must not be seen as trying to stifle debate about the
real issues, even if those issues are being given distorted expression in
racist language, without running the danger of consolidating the BNP’s
position as the only ones who speak up for the white working class.
The Media and Margaret Hodge
There is no doubt that the
intense media focus on the BNP, by national and local news organisations,
helped them electorally. There has also been some anger at the unguarded
comments of Margaret Hodge MP, who suggested that 80% of the people she spoke
to were thinking of voting BNP, a claim she repeated more than once.
The important point to acknowledge here is that Margaret Hodge merely gave the
media a pretext to report a very real story. Given the triangulation of the
main parties on an increasingly convergent agenda, the issue of race and
immigration – boosted by the fiasco of Charles Clarke’s handling of the
deportation issue – was the form of expression that allowed other substantive
issues concerning housing, decaying services, the crisis in the NHS and
government sleaze to surface.
We might have hoped that the news organisations would choose to instead
responsibly report the campaigns to defend services, but their failure to do
so is really a reflection of how marginal the labour movement has become to
setting the political agenda. Instead bulging post bags to local newspapers
praised the BNP, and it would be a strong willed editor who would resist the
tide.
Nevertheless Margaret Hodge’s ill judged comments had a disastrous effect.
Andrew Gilligan’s expose of BNP election fraud in the Evening Standard had led
to the BNP abandoning campaigning in Barking and Dagenham to concentrate
instead on Thurrock and Debden. But as soon as Hodge’s remarks were publicised
the BNP descended again on Barking and Dagenham, and Hodge’s apparent
legitimisation of the BNP vote helped the BNP reach out to a layer of backward
and disposed people who do not normally vote.
The rise of racism
The Democratic Audit report includes the following fascinating graph showing
the proportion of people who regard race and immigration as the most important
issue. It is impossible to look at this without noting the correlation between
Labour governments between 1974 and 1979, and from 1997 to today and the rise
of racism.

At an obvious level while there is a Tory government, the prospect of a Labour
government provides a readily digested alternative. And the experience of
Tories in government tends to reinforce a class based, rather than race based,
explanation of the problems of working class communities. The disappointment
of Labour in government can give an audience for racists.
But John Cruddas MP brilliantly
explains how New Labour exacerbates the problem still further:
“The government has never attempted to systematically annunciate a clear set
of principles that embrace the notion of immigration and its associated
economic and social benefits. Yet at the same time it has tacitly used
immigration to help forge the preferred flexible North American labour market.
Especially in London, legal and illegal immigration has been central in
replenishing the stock of cheap labour across the public and private services,
construction and civil engineering.
“Politically, the government is then left in a terrible position. It
triangulates around immigration and colludes in the demonisation of the
migrant whilst relying on the self same people to rebuild our public and
private services and make our labour markets flexible. Immigrant labour is the
axis for the domestic agenda of the government yet it fails to defend the
principle of immigration and by doing so re-enforces the isolation and
vulnerability of immigrants. The government helps in the process of
stigmatising the most vulnerable as the whole political centre of gravity
moves to the right on matters of race.”
We need a clear message on the benefits of immigration, but this will not be
done because of the process of triangulation, as it might scare the undecideds
of Middle Wallop. As a result, several mainstream, or even left, commentators
are prepared to collude when working class people express their concern about
housing and service provision in racist terms. For example, the Young
Foundation's recent study of social changes in the East End, “The New East
End: kinship, race and conflict”, which legitimises racism by accepting the
argument that Whites in the East End have lost out as the welfare state
provides for Bengali immigrants.
As Arun Kundnani has written: “At its most effective, campaigning against the
far Right has targeted not just far-Right parties but also the wider racism
from which they drew support. The racist message was considered as
disreputable as the far-Right messenger. But nowadays, there are few pundits
or politicians who are prepared to say loud and clear that blaming Britain's
problems on immigration is a racist lie. The predominant approach is to seek
to 'recognise' the 'legitimate' and 'rational' concerns of far-Right
sympathisers. This is a large-scale shift from the situation ten years ago,
when it would have been unthinkable for anyone on the Left to endorse a
message that held immigration responsible for housing shortages.”
There is also increasing evidence that in some of the traditional blue collar
skilled jobs (e.g. plumbing, HGV driving etc), employers are becoming more
active in using immigrants to suppress wages. As a result the Trade Unions
must intensify their attempts to organise migrant labour in a way that makes
common cause with the indigenous workforce.
Unite Against Fascism and Searchlight
In response to the BNP’s election result, Weyman Bennett, Joint Secretary of
Unite Against Fascism said: "The election of an open Nazi organisation as the
official opposition in Barking is warning to all of us. Just as Hitler singled
out minorities to blame for the economic crisis of the 1930s, the BNP want to
scapegoat black and Asian people for existing housing and economic failure in
Barking and Dagenham . We need now to bring about an enormous mobilisation of
those that are against fascism into a unified opposition. We need black white
to unite and fight against those who would usher the fascist politics of
Hitler and Mussolini into this century. Our slogan is ‘Never Again’."
I am sure that Weyman is well meaning, but the BNP are not an openly Nazi
organisation, as even the most cursory reading of its literature would reveal.
Indeed recent issues of the BNP newspaper “Voice of Freedom” have praised
William Morris, and Henry Hyndman, and the BNP even claim to stand in the
tradition of the Social Democratic Federation, an early British socialist
party.
What is more, whereas in the 1970s calling the NF Nazis had a large resonance
for those who had fought, or like me whose fathers had fought, rifle in hand,
against fascism. Today Hitler is just someone from history.
I cut my own political teeth in the Anti-Nazi League, and they were rough
times characterised by a very different type of fascist threat, and a much
stronger labour movement. The BNP are more fly than the NF, and resist
physical confrontation with the left, at the same time they have become adept
at representing themselves to the media as the victims of censorship.
Although the UAF’s leaflets against the BNP are poor, the Love Music Hate
Racism campaign could become a useful campaign in creating a climate of
anti-racism. For LMHR to succeed it needs to learn the lesson of Rock Against
Racism by seeking to attract artists who themselves have an audience amongst
the far right’s own constituency, as RAR did with Jimmy Pursey of Sham 69.
There is no point in organising LMHR carnivals if they only attract those
already won to the benefits of multiculturalism.
Searchlight has taken a very different approach, of targeted campaigning based
upon intelligence. This means leaflets and tabloid newspapers that
specifically target the BNP in the wards they are actually standing in, and
aimed at people who are thinking of voting for the BNP. It has also meant
identifying and targeting BME voters, or other anti-fascist voters, to get
them out to vote for whichever candidate is best placed to beat the BNP. This
needs sensitivity, for example immigrants from Africa are more likely to be
responsive to arguments based upon the BNP's support for apartheid, rather
than reference to the second world war.
A few labour movement activists have been unhappy with some of the arguments
from Searchlight that for example criticize the BNP for being unpatriotic. I
think these criticisms of Searchlight are unfounded, as it is legitimate to
expose the hypocrisy of the BNP supporting Denmark in the 2002 World Cup.
A more founded worry about the Searchlight approach is that it failed to
prevent the Dagenham and Barking breakthrough. Again, I don’t think this
proves the Searchlight strategy is wrong, just that on its own it is
insufficient. Without Margaret Hodge’s intervention Searchlight’s targeted
approach would probably have thwarted the BNP in Barking and Dagenham as it
successfully did in the 2005 General Election.
Both Searchlight and the UAF play a valuable contribution in containing the
BNP, and ensuring that the BNP are regarded as a tainted organisation, that
even racists feel embarrassed about voting for. Given the social exclusion in
many areas it is not surprising the BNP gain a protest vote, the question is
how can we undermine the social conditions that the BNP are exploiting
Undermining the BNP’s base
Working class communities are
facing a housing crisis. But because this is not experienced by the swing
voters in marginal seats it is not a priority for government. Of course
housing is only one policy area, but the complete inaction of the Labour
government on the issue has been exploited by the BNP. Councils are obliged to
give precedence to families with the most points for social housing, and given
inadequate stocks, and long waiting lists this is bound to be perceived as
immigrant families jumping the queue over those white people who have less
points, (but may have been in the queue longer)
The answer is for there to be more social housing. Of course, campaigning
groups like Defend Council Housing, community activists, and far left parties
can seek to offer long term campaigns over the housing issue – but these will
not reach the potential BNP voters.
The only agency that can solve the problem is the Labour government. What is
more, while we socialists would prefer the social housing to be provided by
the state sector, through allowing the “fourth option” of building council
houses, what matters is the service provision not the mechanism. If a Labour
Government facilitates a major house building scheme through the Housing
Associations then so be it. This is an important point, because while Gordon
Brown is as tainted by PFI as anyone in the Labour Party, he may not be so
averse to pushing the policy agenda towards benefiting Labour’s traditional
voters.
Jon Cruddas MP has provided the valuable arguments about how New Labour has
created the conditions for the BNP to grow. The Trade Unions have a
responsibility to take up those arguments and force a change in Labour policy.
Sources:
Far right election results:
http://www.stopthebnp.org.uk/articles/Elections2006/2006BNPresults.php
The BNP: the roots of its appeal
Peter John, Helen Margetts, David Rowland and Stuart Weir
Democratic Audit, Human Rights Centre, University of Essex
http://www.democraticaudit.com/download/breaking-news/BNP-Full-Report.pdf
The Far Right in London, a challenge for local democracy?
Peter John, et al.
http://www.jrrt.org.uk/Far_Right_REPORT.pdf
How the BNP entered the political mainstream
Arun Kundnani
http://www.irr.org.uk/2006/may/ak000011.html
May 2006
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